The Impact of SHA on Health Access in Kenya

When Kenya launched the Social Health Authority (SHA) as the cornerstone of universal health coverage, the promise was clear: to ensure every citizen could access essential health services without facing financial ruin. Yet today, that promise faces a serious credibility test. Recent developments indicate that many Kenyans, particularly the unemployed and low-income earners, are being turned away from public hospitals unless they first settle their full-year SHA premium in advance. This development contradicts the October 2024 assurance that eliminated upfront payments, and it has created uncertainty and distress for millions who had hoped the new system would ease their access to care. While the government’s “Lipa SHA Pole Pole” initiative was introduced as a flexible payment model, its application has exposed a difficult paradox—patients unable to pay full premiums are being directed to loan facilities such as the Hustler Fund, raising concerns about equity and affordability in health access.

A Report by K24TV

The data reinforces the gravity of this policy gap. As of May 2025, around 22 million Kenyans were registered under SHA. However, only 4 to 5 million were actively contributing. This stark difference highlights a growing segment of the population—nearly 17 million—who are nominally enrolled but effectively excluded from coverage. Field reports indicate cases where patients who had made partial payments through monthly KSh 1,030 contributions were still denied treatment unless they completed the full annual sum of KSh 12,460. This shift from previous messaging has created confusion within the public and among healthcare providers alike. Hospitals are left navigating between policy directives and practical enforcement realities, while patients face an impossible choice between debt and delayed care. The concern here is not just administrative inconsistency but a fundamental disconnect between the objectives of health reform and its practical execution.

Efforts to finance the health sector sustainably must not eclipse the foundational goal of protecting all citizens—especially the most vulnerable. Leveraging loan facilities to pay for health premiums, even under a well-meaning “pay slowly” framework, may alleviate cash flow challenges temporarily, but risks increasing personal debt burdens among already struggling households. Basic principles of household economics do not support taking on credit to finance routine health coverage costs—particularly when such expenses are meant to be predictable and pooled through public insurance schemes. Moreover, legal challenges have already resulted in court rulings that bar exclusion from emergency services based on insurance status, underscoring the constitutional imperative of inclusive care. For SHA to regain public confidence, there must be a renewed focus on clarity, consistency, and compassion. Equity must guide implementation just as much as fiscal planning. Universal health coverage cannot be achieved by design alone—it must be delivered through systems that align with the economic realities of those it intends to serve.

References:

The Standard Why most Kenyans cannot access SHA services

Kenyans.co.ke Kenyans Frustrated as SHA Scraps Monthly Payments, Demands Full Year Upfront

GeoPoll Understanding Kenyans’ Perception of the Social Health Authority (SHA) and Social Health Insurance Fund (SHIF)

The Star Jua Kali Kenyans paying Sh600 to SHA—double the promised rate

A Dose Too Late: Kenya’s Vaccine Shortage Risks a Generational Health Collapse

As of mid-2025, Kenya is teetering on the brink of a devastating public health collapse driven by severe vaccine shortages. With 12 counties having completely run out of critical vaccines such as BCG, polio, and rotavirus, the government’s assurance that “no child will miss a dose” stands at odds with harsh ground realities. This is not just a failure of procurement; it is a breakdown of the entire immunization ecosystem—from poor cold chain infrastructure and inadequate forecasting to chronic delays in budget disbursement and transportation shortfalls. Border regions and refugee camps like Dadaab and Kakuma are hardest hit, with near-zero stock levels and rising numbers of zero-dose children. The threat of disease resurgence is no longer hypothetical: polio cases have already been confirmed in Garissa, and a major measles outbreak is underway in Turkana. These are not just statistics. They are warnings of a long-term developmental regression that, if ignored, will haunt the nation for decades.

A Report by NTV Kenya

The implications of this vaccine crisis stretch far beyond public health clinics. Vaccines are a cornerstone of Kenya’s investment in its human capital. Every child who misses their immunization schedule increases the nation’s future healthcare burden and diminishes productivity potential. When children fall ill or die from preventable diseases, families spiral into poverty, and entire communities are destabilized. The social contract that underpins Kenya’s National Safety Net Program—which aims to protect the most vulnerable—is severely undermined when children, citizens or not, cannot access lifesaving interventions. Refugees, nomadic populations, and residents of arid and semi-arid lands are disproportionately affected, exacerbating inequality and fostering mistrust in state institutions. In practical terms, this also undermines peace-building efforts in volatile regions. Failing to vaccinate every child—regardless of their citizenship status—is not just a moral failure; it is a strategic one.

This crisis must jolt the government and its international partners into urgent, coordinated action. Kenya has outlined promising frameworks, including the Kenya Health Emergency Preparedness, Response and Resilience Project (KHEPRR) and plans for a Strategic Vaccine Reserve. But ambition alone is not enough. These initiatives must be fully financed, properly managed, and transparently implemented. The Shirika Plan, which aims to integrate refugee populations and reduce aid dependency, must also prioritize health equity—not just infrastructure. Kenya’s development goals under Vision 2030, including universal health coverage, depend on this. International precedent shows that nations that fail to maintain routine immunization lose decades of progress in mere months during outbreaks. Kenya must act now to secure its population’s health and uphold its moral and constitutional duty to protect every child. This is no longer just about doses and syringes. It’s about defending the right to survive—and thrive—for generations to come.

References:

ReliefWeb Kenya: Vaccine Shortages Endanger Children’s Lives in Remote and Humanitarian Settings

Kenyans.co.ke Ministry of Health Announces Arrival of Polio and BCG Vaccines Amid Shortage

The Star MoH admits vaccine shortage amid global supply bottlenecks

Refugees International Aid cuts in Kenya will jeopardize years of progress for refugees.

Kenya’s Escalating Security and Civic Rights Crisis

Kenya is staring down a security crisis that can no longer be blamed on bandits or activists alone. From the shocking murder of Catholic priest Fr. Alois Bett in Kerio Valley to the arrest of digital activist Rose Njeri, recent events expose a breakdown of trust, law, and legitimacy in the very institutions meant to protect the public. In Kerio, teachers, doctors, and missionaries have fled as armed groups tighten their grip — filling the vacuum left by a state that shows up too late, with too little. More than 70 schools have been shut down, a major hospital has closed, and even church leaders now speak of “a valley of death.” What’s worse: when the state does intervene, its methods are often coercive rather than restorative — issuing ultimatums to entire communities under threat of “all necessary force.” This is not security. It’s collective punishment masquerading as policy, and it only deepens fear and fuels defiance. The government’s inability to distinguish bandits from residents or treat citizens as partners in peace risks entrenching a cycle of violence. This is not a crisis of capacity. It’s a crisis of credibility.

A Report by Citizen TV Kenya

The response to civic dissent has been equally chilling. The arrest and weekend detention of Rose Njeri — a software developer who created a digital tool for citizens to email objections to the Finance Bill — was a stark reminder that Kenya’s democratic space is narrowing fast. Her crime? Enabling public participation. This is not just an affront to digital freedoms — it’s a direct violation of Article 33 (freedom of expression) and Article 35 (access to information) of Kenya’s Constitution. Even more damning is the pattern. Detaining citizens over weekends to avoid court oversight has become an authoritarian reflex. This violates the legal standard upheld in Coalition for Reform and Democracy (CORD) & 2 others v Republic of Kenya & another [2015] eKLR, where the court held that prolonged detentions without charge constitute unconstitutional abuse of state power. Yet the tactic continues — often against youth activists, journalists, and tech-savvy organizers. These are not enemies of the state. They are its conscience. If the state treats code like a crime and civic tech as terrorism, it signals a descent into digital authoritarianism — one that no PR campaign or presidential handshake can disguise.

What Kenya needs now is more than investigations and operations. It needs political courage — and jurisprudential discipline. The government must fully implement existing rulings and international obligations. The IPOA’s mandate must be respected, and police accountability pursued with vigor, not rhetoric. Parliament must hold the executive to account when it violates rights under the guise of national security. The courts have laid the foundation. In Independent Policing Oversight Authority v Attorney General & 4 others [2020] eKLR, the High Court affirmed IPOA’s role as the sole lawful investigator of police misconduct. The Executive must respect that boundary. Meanwhile, civil society must continue challenging digital repression and pushing for laws that protect activists, not silence them. Kenya’s youth are not the threat — they are the firewall against authoritarian drift. From Kerio to Kibera, from code to constitution, Kenya’s real security will only be built when the state values trust more than force, and justice more than optics.

References:

Kenya News Agency County Commissioner Leads Madaraka Day with Tough Message on Illegal Brews

The Star Key suspect in murder of Catholic priest Allois Bett arrested

BBC Outrage in Kenya over detention of software developer

The Star Gachagua calls for immediate release of activist Rose Njeri

The Eastleigh Voice Kenya’s security at risk as regional instability grows, warns NIS boss

BBC Pressure mounts to probe Kenya police and army after BBC exposé

Kenya News Agency State declare a nationwide crackdown on organized criminal gangs

Evaluating Kenya’s Affordable Housing Program: Benefits and Risks

Kenya’s Affordable Housing Programme (AHP) has been framed by the government as a historic solution to the nation’s urban housing deficit — a bold, transformative plan to put 250,000 new housing units into the hands of low- and middle-income earners each year. It’s the crown jewel of the Kenya Kwanza administration’s economic agenda, wrapped in promises of job creation, urban renewal, and dignity for the working class. But behind the polished press briefings and televised groundbreakings, the cracks are showing. Critics argue the housing levy — a mandatory deduction from all salaried workers — amounts to taxation without representation, especially when access to the houses is uncertain and the projected costs remain largely unaffordable for the very people funding them. Worse still, the rollout has sparked deep anxiety over forced evictions, unclear beneficiary selection processes, and the growing fear that without proper planning, these “affordable” units may become vertical slums stacked over broken infrastructure. For many Kenyans, the project feels less like a social contract and more like a speculative bet — one where the house always wins, and it’s not the public holding the keys.

A Report by Citizen Digital

The legal and structural questions around the housing project are mounting. In 2023, the High Court ruled parts of the Affordable Housing Act unconstitutional — particularly the centralized levy collection through the Kenya Revenue Authority, which bypassed public participation and legislative oversight. While the government quickly responded with legislative tweaks, the shadow of that ruling lingers. Public trust in housing delivery remains fragile, especially given Kenya’s history with failed or stalled housing programs and ghost estates like the infamous Nyayo House projects. Though the state touts the initiative as “inclusive,” it is heavily reliant on public-private partnerships where the private sector bears little risk, while taxpayers shoulder both the capital and the consequences. Key policy watchdogs argue that the financing model lacks transparency, and that the absence of social safeguards could lead to gentrification and displacement, particularly in areas like Mukuru, Kibera, and Mathare where informal settlements sit on prime land now targeted for redevelopment. The big risk? That homes built in the name of the poor end up benefiting civil servants, politicians, and private investors — not the mama mboga or jua kali artisan.

If Kenya’s affordable housing dream is to succeed, it must move beyond brick-and-mortar targets and confront the human realities of affordability, transparency, and equity. The price tags on many units still outpace the average urban worker’s income. The so-called “affordable” category often starts at KSh 1.5M — a figure out of reach for most informal sector workers who make up over 80% of Kenya’s labor force. Meanwhile, the digitized application and allocation model, while meant to enhance fairness, risks excluding those without access to mobile money, smartphones, or stable identification — particularly the urban poor it claims to prioritize. Additionally, new housing developments are outpacing investments in transport, sewerage, schools, and hospitals, raising fears that these estates will quickly deteriorate into overpopulated, under-serviced high-rises. The government must urgently clarify allocation policies, invest in supporting infrastructure, and put people — not politics — at the center of the housing agenda. Because if “affordable housing” becomes just another ambitious slogan without delivery, it won’t just fail to fix the housing crisis — it will deepen Kenya’s already fractured urban future.

References:

KBC Completed number of affordable housing units down by half

The Eastleigh Voice Govt raises affordable housing research budget to Sh2.8bn amid credibility concerns

Capital News Ruto says handing over Housing units the most consequential day of his political career.

NTV Who got Ruto Mukuru houses? Not us, residents now claim

Citizen Digital Vertical slums: How new crop of apartments in Kilimani, Kileleshwa is affecting Nairobi’s infrastructure

Decoding Elimu Thabiti: Is Kenya’s Education Truly Improved?

In April 2025, the Kenyan government did what governments often do when the heat rises — it rebranded. Out went the Competency-Based Curriculum (CBC), in came Competency-Based Education (CBE), now dubbed Elimu Thabiti — “Stable Education.” On the surface, it looked like a smart communications reset: streamline the curriculum, simplify delivery, calm public fears, and signal that Kenya’s education reform is finally maturing. But under the hood, the same unresolved problems are festering — and threatening to derail the system again. A new name hasn’t solved the deep cracks in Kenya’s education foundation: from underfunded schools and frustrated teachers, to digital inequalities and mismanaged infrastructure. The education sector is being reshaped with bold promises — but very few of the tools needed to make those promises real.

A Report by TV47 Kenya

Let’s talk numbers. While the Teachers Service Commission boasts about retooling 291,000 educators, independent research in 2025 shows two-thirds of teachers say they haven’t been adequately trained for CBE. Many still rely on the old 8-4-4 methods. Worse, over 343,000 trained teachers remain jobless while schools face a 72,000-strong staff shortage in Junior Secondary School alone. Promotion pathways are clogged, hardship allowances may be cut, and morale is low. Now layer that on top of infrastructure demands: the new “pathway model” for senior schools, launching fully in 2026, demands schools be categorized as “Triple Pathway” or “Double Pathway” — meaning massive upgrades to labs, sports halls, art studios, and digital infrastructure. And while the government talks about progress, the Auditor-General is flagging KSh 6 billion in irregular spending from previous education projects. What’s the point of planning a digital classroom if half the schools don’t even have functioning toilets?

And here’s the financial kicker: schools are still owed over KSh 64 billion in capitation arrears. As of May 2025, the promised Sh21 billion had yet to arrive. Headteachers are being fined Sh500 per project for late CBC/KJSEA submissions — even though many schools have no internet access or computers to begin with. Meanwhile, a flashy new KEAC Bill proposes AI exam grading and electronic assessment. Great on paper, but in classrooms across ASAL regions, basic digital literacy is still below 50%. While Finland’s President arrives with hope and MoUs to support Kenyan education, the shadow of the Uasin Gishu scholarship scandal still looms large. Education reform can’t run on optics alone. Kenya doesn’t need another slogan. It needs teachers who are paid and trained, capitation that arrives on time, classrooms that work — and honesty about just how deep the overhaul must go. If Elimu Thabiti is going to be more than a PR stunt, it has to fix the pipes — not just polish the tap.

References:

The Star MPs Raise Concern Over Zero Budget Allocation for KCSE, JSS Exams

The Eastleigh Voice Budget cuts jeopardise education for millions as key programmes struggle with shortfalls

The Eastleigh Voice CS Mbadi: KCSE funds frozen over misuse, but parents won’t pay

KBC Kenya, Finland sign deals to boost ties in peace, education

The Standard Kenya and Finland forge strategic partnership


Government’s Bold Move: Leasing Sugar Factories in Kenya

Kenya just handed over four of its biggest sugar factories — but kept the land. In a dramatic policy shift, the Ruto administration signed 30-year leases in May 2025 with private firms to run Nzoia, Chemelil, Muhoroni, and Sony Sugar. The goal? End decades of sugar sector chaos: collapsed factories, billions in unpaid debts, unpaid workers, and cheap imports undercutting farmers. Agriculture CS Mutahi Kagwe says this isn’t privatization — it’s “strategic leasing,” with public ownership preserved and billions in arrears cleared to give the new operators a clean start. Big names like Jaswant Rai’s West Kenya Sugar and Kibos Sugar are now in charge — and they’re expected to invest heavily. But not everyone’s cheering.

A Report by NTV Kenya

Local leaders are furious. Kisumu’s Governor Anyang’ Nyong’o is calling foul, slamming the deals as opaque, exclusionary, and a threat to community-owned land. At Chemelil and Nzoia, workers are protesting over unpaid wages, job security, and fears that private operators will trample their rights. Farmers worry about price manipulation and monopolies. And watchdogs are questioning the wisdom of the government wiping out billions in past debts — on taxpayers’ backs — without clear guarantees of public return. The Auditor General has already flagged risks to the Commodities Fund. If this feels familiar, it’s because Kenya’s SOE reform playbook hasn’t changed much in decades: bold plans, shaky execution, and the ever-present risk of insider deals dressed up as national progress.

Still — if the government gets this right — it could turn a rotting industry into a competitive, tech-upgraded, farmer-friendly economic engine. But it won’t happen without airtight oversight, crystal-clear contracts, local accountability, and a serious break from past mistakes. Leasing might be smarter than selling — but only if it comes with more transparency than politics usually allows.

References:

The Standard Nyong’o opposes the government’s plans to lease sugar mills

The Eastleigh Voice Government leases four state-owned sugar mills to private firms for 30 years

Business Daily Workers oppose Chemelil sugar factory lease plans

The Star Sugarcane farmers welcome move to lease sugar firms

All Africa Kenya: High Court Dismisses Petition Against Leasing of State-Owned Sugar Farms


Job Scams in Kenya: A Growing Crisis

Kenya’s job seekers are under siege. As economic pressures push more young people to chase opportunities abroad or online, fraudsters are sharpening their traps — and the stakes are deadly. Sophisticated job scams, often orchestrated by transnational crime rings, are landing unsuspecting Kenyans in forced labor operations across Southeast Asia. Many are lured with fake offers, issued tourist visas instead of work permits, and end up trapped in scam compounds under brutal, enslaving conditions. Despite repeated government warnings, the scams persist, exploiting systemic weaknesses like rampant youth unemployment, weak digital literacy, and sluggish protections around labor migration. While officials stress the importance of individual due diligence — verifying agencies, double-checking job offers, demanding proper contracts — the scale of trafficking shows that better-informed individuals alone can’t stop a crisis this large. It’s a systemic failure — and it’s costing lives.

A Report by Citizen TV Kenya

At the heart of the vulnerability is a perfect storm: soaring unemployment, heavy informal sector reliance, and a government labor export strategy that prioritizes remittances over robust citizen protection. Kenya’s policies encourage labor migration — but enforcement lags behind, leaving workers exposed. Digital platforms, once hailed as tools of empowerment, have become weapons for scammers: Facebook pages, WhatsApp groups, even fake LinkedIn listings are used to lure victims. The Kenyan government’s countermeasures — the NEAIMS verification portal, bilateral labor deals, and pre-departure training — help but are patchy and slow. Civil society groups and media investigations have done much to highlight the dangers, but without aggressive enforcement and diplomatic intervention, Kenyans will keep falling prey. This is not just about digital fraud anymore; it’s about modern slavery, forced criminality, and human suffering on an industrial scale.

Solving this crisis demands a collective rethink. Government agencies must dramatically tighten recruitment regulations, shut down illegal operators, and prosecute traffickers — including those hiding behind legitimate fronts. Embassies abroad must step up protections for Kenyans, while local authorities crack down on rogue recruiters. Civil society must keep exposing the networks exploiting desperate youth, and tech companies must purge their platforms of scam ads and pages. Meanwhile, citizens must be empowered — not just blamed — with real tools to verify job offers and report suspicious activity. But real safety will only come when the Kenyan economy offers enough decent, secure jobs at home, removing the desperation that drives risky migration. Until then, job scammers will continue to thrive — and Kenyans will continue to pay the price.

References:

The Standard Job scams: Some Kenyans aiding their own smuggling, says PS Njogu

Business & Human Rights Resource Centre Kenya’s labor export model exposes workers to exploitation and other labour rights abuses

Kenyans.co.ke Govt Outlines Verification Process for Jobs Abroad as Scams Surge

The Eastleigh Voice Job scam alert: Government cautions Kenyans on fake overseas opportunities

Jijuze Rethinking Kenya’s Job Strategy: From Exports to Domestic Growth

Jijuze Kenyans Trapped: The Dark Reality of Job Scams in Myanmar

Easter 2025: Voices of Conscience from Kenyan Clergy

Easter 2025 in Kenya unfolded not only as a celebration of Christ’s resurrection but as a moment of reckoning for the soul of the nation, with clergy across the country using the pulpit to deliver searing messages that reached far beyond theology. Falling on April 20th—a rare alignment for both Western and Eastern Christian calendars—the holy day became a stage for calls to conscience, unity, and reform. While sermons across denominations upheld traditional themes of resurrection, hope, and renewal, several clergy, particularly from the Catholic Church, stepped into the fray of national discourse with unapologetic candor. Bishop Simon Peter Kamomoe, delivering his homily at Nairobi’s Holy Family Basilica, did not mince words. He blamed Kenya’s ongoing suffering on the “sins” of its people, drawing a direct and controversial link to the choices made during the 2022 general elections. He named rising corruption, domestic violence, and a disturbing trend in unethical healthcare practices—particularly organ theft—as symptoms of a moral crisis engulfing the nation. His warning to congregants to “be careful with your surgery” hinted at a deep public fear of a broken healthcare system and underscored his broader message that spiritual and societal decay were intertwined.

A Report by Citizen TV Kenya

In Mombasa, Archbishop Martin Kivuva struck a similarly critical tone, directing his Easter sermon at the government’s economic policies. With President Ruto preparing to travel to China for talks with one of Kenya’s major lenders, Kivuva’s timing was pointed as he decried the government’s unchecked appetite for loans. He questioned whether borrowed billions were being used to serve the people or to fund untraceable ventures, voicing a concern that has simmered among Kenyans grappling with a rising cost of living and dwindling faith in public accountability. But the Archbishop’s critique didn’t stop at debt; he rebuked politicians for engaging in premature campaigns for the 2027 elections and stoking tribal tensions, warning that such actions risked pulling the country further apart. His words reflected a growing anxiety about Kenya’s political culture—one increasingly marked by performative leadership and ethnic division rather than national unity. Meanwhile, in the rural town of Elburgon, Fr. Gideon Korir turned the spotlight inward, condemning the infiltration of politics into sacred spaces. He expressed deep dismay over chaotic scenes witnessed on church pulpits, where rival politicians turned places of worship into arenas of confrontation. His impassioned plea was for churches to be preserved as sanctuaries of peace, healing, and moral guidance—not hijacked for political expedience.

These sermons reveal a critical shift in Kenya’s ecclesiastical tone—one that reflects an increasingly assertive clergy willing to challenge the political establishment and speak directly to the hardships of ordinary citizens. What emerges is a portrait of the church not merely as a spiritual institution, but as a potent voice in Kenya’s public square. The critiques delivered during Easter 2025 resonated because they mirrored real anxieties: from economic inequality and corrupt governance to deteriorating healthcare and the erosion of moral values. While the media gave these messages significant attention—particularly the stinging remarks about debt and governance—government responses remained conspicuously absent, possibly signaling discomfort or strategic avoidance. Yet, the Easter pulpit’s impact was undeniable, reaffirming the church’s enduring role as a moral compass and social conscience. The voices of Kamomoe, Kivuva, and Korir stood not just as isolated acts of courage, but as part of a broader ecclesiastical momentum demanding a better Kenya—one that upholds justice, integrity, and compassion. In a time of crisis, their sermons were more than words; they were calls to action, prayers for accountability, and reminders that even amid despair, the resurrection message remains one of transformation and hope.

References:

Anglican Ink Kenyan Anglican Church backs criticism of government

The Eastleigh Voice 30 Pentecostal Churches criticise Ruto over runaway corruption, governance issues

Capital News Archbishop Kivuva urges political tolerace to avert violence

Capital News Anglican Church joins Catholic Bishops in calling for govt accountability

Vatican News Kenyan bishops emphasize collective responsibility to transform nation

Impact of U.S. Tariffs on Kenya’s Trade and Economy

In a move that has dramatically altered Kenya’s trade dynamics with the United States, the Trump administration imposed a blanket 10% tariff on imports from most nations, including Kenya, effective April 2025. This action effectively nullified the longstanding preferential treatment Kenya enjoyed under the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), a Congressional framework set to expire in September 2025. The result has been a sharp contraction in Kenya’s export competitiveness, particularly in the apparel and agricultural sectors, which together accounted for a significant share of exports to the U.S. The Central Bank of Kenya (CBK) estimates the country could lose as much as USD 100 million annually in export revenue—a loss that represents over 13% of Kenya’s total exports to the U.S. The textiles and apparel industry, which employs tens of thousands in Export Processing Zones (EPZs), faces the steepest consequences, with squeezed margins threatening factory closures and mass layoffs. Compounding this is the complex global trade environment, where some of Kenya’s competitors face even steeper tariffs—suggesting a theoretical competitive edge—but domestic cost disadvantages like high energy prices and infrastructure bottlenecks could prevent Kenya from capitalizing on this.

A Report by Citizen TV Kenya

The introduction of the tariffs also triggered immediate market reactions, particularly on the Kenyan Shilling (KES), which depreciated upon the announcement, reflecting investor anxiety and a broader loss of confidence. While the KES had been strengthening in early 2025 due to improved foreign exchange reserves, tight monetary policy, and robust diaspora remittances, the tariffs introduced new downward pressures through trade disruption and a worsening current account balance. Analysts project a continued depreciation trend through 2025, with some forecasts suggesting the KES could reach as low as 155 to the dollar. Factors contributing to this outlook include high external debt servicing obligations, the CBK’s decision to pursue accommodative monetary policy—cutting rates to stimulate domestic demand—and narrowing interest rate differentials with the U.S., which could dampen investor appetite for KES-denominated assets. Although inflation is largely under control and remittances remain strong, these buffers may not fully offset the structural pressures introduced by disrupted trade flows and persistent macroeconomic imbalances. Moreover, Kenya’s exposure to external shocks remains high, and market sentiment continues to react swiftly to any signals of instability or shifts in U.S. policy.

A Report by NBC News

In response to these mounting pressures, the Kenyan government has adopted a multi-pronged strategy centered on diplomatic engagement, trade diversification, and internal economic reforms. Efforts are underway to secure a waiver from the 10% tariff through negotiations with U.S. officials, although progress remains uncertain. Simultaneously, Kenya is accelerating its participation in the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), which offers a long-term avenue to diversify trade partnerships within Africa. However, AfCFTA implementation faces its own hurdles, including infrastructure gaps, non-tariff barriers, and complex rules of origin that limit short-term gains. Beyond the continent, Kenya is looking to strengthen trade ties with the European Union, with whom it signed an Economic Partnership Agreement in 2023, and explore new opportunities in Asia and the Middle East. On the domestic front, the government is considering measures to support affected sectors, including targeted incentives for exporters and investments in value addition. Nonetheless, these responses may take time to yield meaningful relief. With AGOA’s expiry nearing and no replacement framework yet secured, Kenya’s vulnerability to abrupt shifts in U.S. trade policy has been laid bare, reinforcing the urgent need to build a more resilient, diversified, and self-sufficient export economy.

References:

Capital Business Shilling falls amid uncertainty over US tariff hikes

Capital Business Kenya risks losing Sh14bn in exports to U.S. after 10pc tariff

The Star Kenya to diversity trade ties, push for more intra-Africa trade – CS Kinyanjui.

Serrari U.S. Hits Kenya with 10% Export Tariff Amid Shifting Global Trade Dynamics

The Standard Trump tariffs threaten Kenya’s Sh72b exports

All Africa Africa: How the New U.S. Tariffs Were Calculated and What They Mean for AGOA Trade Deal

The Clash Between Art and Authority in Kenyan Schools

The 2025 censorship of Echoes of War, a play by Butere Girls High School, marks a flashpoint in Kenya’s long-standing tensions between youthful artistic expression and state authority. Despite winning top honors at the Western Region level of the Kenya National Schools and Colleges Drama Festival, the play was abruptly barred from proceeding to the national stage. Written by former senator and seasoned dramatist Cleophas Malala—who also penned the previously banned Shackles of DoomEchoes of War was a bold allegory set in a fictional kingdom grappling with generational tensions and authoritarian rule. Its protagonist, Mustafa, a university student and tech innovator, challenges the regime’s rigidity with digital solutions like telemedicine, while his ally Anifa Imana mobilizes public opinion through social media. The play’s futuristic and radical tone, its incorporation of AI characters, and its critique of entrenched leadership struck a nerve with education officials. Events took a darker turn when police forcibly disrupted the school’s participation in Nakuru, deploying tear gas, arresting journalists, and detaining Malala despite a valid High Court order authorizing the play’s staging. The students’ response—singing the national anthem and then walking out—symbolized a defiant act of resistance that reverberated far beyond the festival venue, turning a school play into a national spectacle and sparking widespread outrage over the apparent state-sanctioned suppression of minors.

A Report by Nation

To understand the gravity of this moment, one must view it through the historical lens of Kenyan theatre, where censorship has long been wielded to curtail dissenting voices, especially those emanating from younger, politically aware generations. The Kenya Schools and Colleges Drama Festival, established in 1959, was originally a colonial import modeled on British educational theatre, excluding African voices until the early 1970s. It became a crucible of radical expression in the post-independence years, especially after the historic 1971 victory of Olkirkenyi, the first indigenous play to win at the national level. Throughout the late 20th century, plays became a subtle yet powerful means for students and teachers to comment on societal issues—ranging from tribalism to corruption and inequality—often using metaphor, allegory, and traditional performance styles. However, successive regimes, particularly under the KANU government and President Moi, treated such works as subversive. Prominent playwrights like Ngugi wa Thiong’o were jailed or exiled for dramatizing the suffering of the poor and critiquing the status quo. Plays like Makwekwe and Shackles of Doom were famously banned, with their writers and adjudicators fleeing or facing arrest. The state’s fear of theatre has historically stemmed from its ability to unify, mobilize, and awaken young minds—an effect amplified when performed by students within national platforms.

What happened in Nakuru in 2025 is a modern echo of this legacy, but it also highlights new dynamics in the ongoing struggle for creative freedom. Unlike past generations, today’s students are more connected, more media-literate, and more aware of their rights, particularly through digital platforms that allow them to share their voices widely and instantly. This context raises the stakes of state censorship. It is no longer just a question of restricting a school play but of suppressing a broader youth movement grounded in performance, protest, and political consciousness. The state’s justification for the ban—Malala’s role as a non-teacher and allegations of script alteration—rings hollow when contrasted with the overwhelming legal, civic, and public support for the students. The High Court’s intervention and the public’s reaction, including condemnation from Chief Justice Martha Koome, human rights organizations, and political leaders across the spectrum, reflect a society that is increasingly unwilling to tolerate authoritarian overreach in education and the arts. If anything, the incident has catalyzed a reexamination of the role of drama in education, with calls growing louder for student-centered authorship, institutional accountability, and a reformed regulatory framework that nurtures, rather than punishes, expressive courage. In this light, Echoes of War is not just a play—it is a clarion call, and how the nation responds will shape the cultural and civic landscape of Kenya’s future.

References:

Nation Echoes of War: The script of the play government doesn’t want you to watch

BBC Kenya police fire tear gas during school drama competition

Capital News Tension in Nakuru as Journalists, public barred from viewing ‘Echoes of War’ play

Citizen Digital Echoes of war: No photos or videos of Drama Festivals as Butere girls set to perform